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Furthermore, Hutu extremists targeted tens of thousands of their co-ethnics for political reasons during the violence, and many Hutu women were subjected to forms of sexual torture that had little to do with their ethnic identity Burnet Making ethnicity coterminous with a category of behavior was particu- larly detrimental to Hutu, who were collectively considered guilty perpe- trators.

Other government officials advanced similar numbers, globalizing the guilt of a few to the guilt of the entire ethnic group Vidal In essence, the regime—through political speeches, state-controlled news outlets, and so on—fused victim catego- ries and social categories together, elevating the suffering of Tutsi victims and disregarding others.

Hutu are not permitted to have a formal victim identity; according to many women I interviewed, they are not even per- mitted to bury their dead in the same cemeteries or memorial sites as victims of genocide see also Jessee Moreover, the regime has aggressively suppressed studies or reports that demonstrate its culpability in atrocities against civilians.

Survivors were entitled to all of the resources that these various organiza- tions provide—including cash payments, medical care, housing assis- tance, school fees, and trauma counseling. Hutu women who lost their husbands, children, or survived sexualized torture are implicitly excluded, except under excep- tional circumstances.

Moreover, international NGOs prevented Hutu from organizing in public spaces, assuming that such groups posed a security risk Pottier This meant that dozens of Hutu women I inter- viewed had little social space in which to mobilize around their interests. Although it is illegal to discuss ethnicity in Rwanda today, nearly all my respondents that I understood to be Tutsi mentioned their membership in a community organization during the course of our interview. Moreover, because the RPF was a political movement built in exile, many who returned had strong connections to the government.

What matters is the RPF crew from Uganda. Yet, the hierarchies of victimhood proffered by the regime and adopted by international actors catalyzed the work of certain groups, while undermining and repressing the work of others. The Bosnian Political Settlement While the Rwandan political settlement resulted in a tightly-controlled state led by the RPF, the postwar Bosnian state was more dysfunctional.

When the DPA divided the country into two semi-autono- mous entities, it endorsed different laws and institutions for each. It also left the same elites in power who had been responsible for the war in the first place. Moreover, women founded and formalized community organizations during the war, which in the postwar period became essential service providers. International actors also made a concerted effort to crystallize these grassroots gains into for- mal legal and political progress for women.

This is in large part because the laws, institutions, and political elites in each entity differ. But, to be classified as such, women who live within the R.

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and other psychologi- cal ailments are not covered. In contrast, the Federation has declared that the 60 percent threshold does not apply to survivors of rape, opening the possibility that such cases may be deemed eligible. Global media reports of mass rape horrified observers and galvanized the international response to the crisis. Bosniak politicians took cues from this international response, decrying the abuse of Bosniak women at the hands of Serb aggressors and politicizing and perhaps exaggerating the number of women raped in order to legitimize the scale of the crisis and elicit a more formidable international response Korac Humanitarian NGOs picked up on this focus on raped women and widows, constructing centers for these special victims to offer psychological therapy, financial resources, and various types of social support.

The problems with this hierarchy are myriad. Many organizations that formed during and after the war coalesced around whatever singular marginalized iden- tity its founders believed could solicit the most funds from donors.

Such incentives were ultimately disem- powering at an individual and collective level, as they stripped women of agency in determining the most salient identities in their lives and pre- sumed a greater understanding of what women needed than women them- selves. Groups who most effectively displayed their victimhood held all the moral—and financial—capital. Rape survivors, in particular, faced profound risks in publicly identify- ing as such.

I was putting myself at risk if I said that. Part of society considers that a disgrace for women.

Their kids left them, as well, because they could not cope with it. Moreover, being incentivized to identify as a rape victim through the promise of services marginalized those who articulated their experience as one of survival Summerfield Further, this approach assumed sexual violence harmed women more than other forms of violence.

Tabiha, a survivor of the Omarska concentration camp, described how Serb forces killed her eldest son during the war. They also detained her at Omarska and raped her. Whereas during the war many women had come together to form small, informal self-help organizations Helms , in the aftermath many of these organizations became specialized—they were exclusively for rape victims, widows, sur- vivors of concentration camps, and so forth.

I was then excluded from the circle. Like Hutu victims in Rwanda, Serb women who were subjected to sexualized torture during the war had their experiences relegated to the less-political arena of interpersonal violence and criminality, rather than genocide.

There were other hierarchies of victimhood in Bosnia, including the elevation of the massacre at Srebrenica over all other crimes in the coun- try. Srebrenica, the site of a massacre of more than 7, boys and men by Serb forces in July , was declared a genocide by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice. According to Tabiha mentioned above : I am very angry because of that.

I am really angry because we [in the Krajina region] do not get the attention we deserve.

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They do not care about us. I am angry at internationals and those in the Bosnian government, as well.

What happened in Srebrenica—they got killed in a few days, but we were bleeding from the knee. We had camps, rapes, [Serbs] stole stuff. They set our houses on fire. They put bombs on our doors.

All of the humanitarian aid that came to Bosnia went to Srebrenica, and they behaved like we do not exist. These hierarchies of victimhood between and within different ethnic groups have fractured the momentum women generated after the war; competition for resources has led to infighting and a lack of trust.

When women adopted victim identities that satisfied donors, they lost claim to the power they might have gained during war. Combined, these hierar- chies limited the prospects for cross-entity, interethnic collaboration and peacebuilding in the long run. Studies have suggested that there can be an increase in domestic violence after episodes of armed conflict see Pankhurst , although a pre-conflict baseline is often difficult to establish. The mechanisms posited for this increase include war trauma, an increased availability of weapons, heightened alcoholism and drug use, and the cele- bration of militarized masculinity during periods of armed conflict.

Mona Lena Krook , for example, demonstrated how growing numbers of women in politics can provoke hostile and even violent responses. Of course, these gender roles were disrupted during the conflict, and since the war international and domestic actors have advanced legal frame- works and public awareness campaigns designed to challenge these beliefs. She screamed for help, but nobody came to her aid.

She bore three children by him. This man regularly beat her, eventually causing her to leave the marriage. Now she suffers because she cannot afford to feed her children, as she is unable to find decent work.

A nationally representative survey in found that Thirty-two percent of women reported that their partner had forced them to have sex. The same study revealed that men who were directly affected by the war or genocide— nearly 80 percent of all men—had higher rates of violence against female partners than men who had not been directly exposed to violence.

This suggests that exposure to violence has led to an uptick in intimate partner violence Slegh et al. But the association between war violence and violence against women in the aftermath is only part of the story.

National surveys corroborate this, as men also indicated that they beat their wives with more frequency after women became engaged in profit-making activities outside of the home Slegh et al. She became a husband. This accusation was alarm- ingly common in both Rwanda and Bosnia. Young, urban, and single women were particularly susceptible.

Several of my interviewees described how security forces accused them of being sex workers for simply shopping at markets or visiting nightclubs. The pervasiveness of vio- lence undermines the ability of Rwandan women to assert the rights they have gained since the genocide and war, highlighting the distinction between mere access to rights versus control over rights.

Bosnia Lejia, now in her early 60s, was raped during the war and bore a child by her rapist. A nationally representative sur- vey found that While violence against women certainly existed long before the war, this study showed a positive correlation between war experience and domestic abuse. Like Lejla, women who were raped during the war have reportedly suffered some of the most extreme forms of violence in the aftermath Amnesty International The director of a Tuzla-based NGO that works with survivors of war noted that 90 percent of the women who approach her organization after suffering domestic violence are also survivors of wartime sexual assault.

ATMA Exam Pattern, Marking Scheme, Syllabus and Books

Many of these women resist seeking help because they fear further stig- matization. Many of my respondents explained these heightened rates of postwar violence by suggesting that men drank more alcohol after the war as a result of trauma. According to Lana, a woman in her late 20s, the war emotionally damaged both her and her husband, who now beat her regularly. For example, as Branka, the director of a human rights NGO in Bosnia described: [After the war] women got offered to take bigger power.

More power.

Because foreigners tried to empower women through a lot of projects. And then the war in families start. And war empowered women. And the balance in the marriage was disrupted. Men—especially former combatants—also experienced a decline in their material and symbolic status after the war. Today, most Bosnians struggle to find employment.

Despite the fact that gender relations can be in flux during war, as society stabilizes patriarchal power relations are firmly reentrenched.

Yet, myriad social processes intervene to complicate these gains. By this logic, then, we should look toward future generations to fulfill emancipatory change. These are valid arguments. However, they miss the fact that tolerating differential empowerment can institutionalize ethnic, gender, and class advantage, thereby perpetuating and deepening inequality and gender oppression. In Rwanda today, for instance, many women in government are Anglophone Tutsi raised in Uganda; their sup- posed gender emancipation has masked the consolidation of ethnic power and privilege, deepening the disadvantage of other groups.

Likewise, in Bosnia, some widows from Srebrenica have capitalized on their victim status for personal power, excluding widows from other parts of the coun- try and fomenting new inequalities and grievances.

This has profound implications for policy makers and practitioners working in postwar contexts. Policy makers should consider whether these barriers might be weakened by giving local actors—including women of all war experiences, classes, ethnicities, religions, abilities, and sexual orientations—stronger incentives to collaborate, rather than com- pete, for support, and the autonomy to seek aid through whichever identity they find most salient.

Finally, there is an urgent need for international legal frame- works to integrate a gender analysis that is more sensitive to the multiple and intersecting oppressions—including victim status—that different women experience after war.

I interviewed women in Rwanda and women in Bosnia. I was careful not to ask respondents in Rwanda direct questions about their ethnic identity, as doing so can endanger them. This is because the study drew its sample from an organization for rape survivors based in Sarajevo, and, moreover, because Serb rape survivors have been made to feel unwelcome in such organizations. London: Amnesty International. Anderson, Miriam. Windows of opportunity: How women seize peace nego- tiations for political change.

New York: Oxford University Press. Barker, Gary, and Jennifer Schulte. Bassuener, Kurt. Statement for the Oireachtas, joint committee on EU affairs.

Bell, Christine. What we talk about when we talk about political settle- ments. Working Paper No.

Berry, Marie E. War, women, and power: From violence to mobilization in Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina. New York: Cambridge University Press. In press. Brown, Wendy. Suffering rights as paradoxes. Constellations 7 2 : Burnet, Jennie. Genocide lives in us: Women, memory, and silence in Rwanda. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Buss, Doris.

Choo, Hae Yeon. The cost of rights: Migrant women, feminist advocacy, and gendered morality in South Korea. Cockburn, Cynthia.

Trishna's Quantitative Aptitude and Data Interpretation for the CAT and Other MBA Examinations

The space between us: Negotiating gender and national identities in conflict. London: Zed Books.

Unknown May 8, at 6: Anonymous May 9, at 9: Admin May 22, at 6: Ankit yadav October 7, at 1: Anonymous May 24, at 6: Abhishek Kumar June 1, at Unknown June 22, at Anonymous June 28, at Unknown July 2, at 1: Unknown July 8, at Rajvi Doshi July 8, at 8: Anonymous July 12, at 9: Anonymous July 12, at 1: Unknown July 15, at 2: Gourang Kalra July 17, at 4: Hemanth July 17, at 4: Karuna Tejwani July 24, at Admin July 28, at 2: Simran Kohli July 26, at 8: Admin July 28, at 1: Anonymous July 29, at 1: Anonymous July 29, at 4: Anonymous July 30, at 1: Tech Trix July 30, at Manoj Kumar August 2, at 9: Anonymous August 6, at Unknown August 6, at Piyasha Chowdhury August 10, at 9: Anonymous August 15, at Nitish Kumar Yadav August 22, at Rahul V August 27, at 5: Unknown August 29, at Anonymous September 1, at 8: Satyam Pandey September 3, at Upen September 3, at Unknown September 11, at Mohammad Farhat September 20, at 7: Unknown September 27, at 5: Ankit yadav October 7, at 2: Unknown October 23, at 9: Sulagna Dutta November 1, at 7: Aashna Ahuja November 5, at 7: Madhurika Kalyankar November 27, at 1: Admin December 1, at Anonymous November 29, at Gaurav Sharma December 13, at 3: Anonymous December 27, at 7: Anonymous December 27, at Unknown December 27, at 8: Unknown January 3, at 7: Anonymous January 19, at Himanshu Kushwaha January 28, at 7: Chirag Shetty February 4, at Anonymous February 11, at Anonymous February 21, at Anil Pal March 24, at Anonymous March 28, at 8: Unknown April 27, at Prem May 10, at 4: Partha Sarathi Barman May 21, at 5: Unknown June 1, at 6:Candidates who qualify in the Prelims exam will then go to appear for the Mains exam.

Logical Reasoning and Analytical Ability. Unknown September 21, at Bell, Christine. Analytical Reasoning by M.