worldcreation.info Guides Evolutionary Psychology Pdf

EVOLUTIONARY PSYCHOLOGY PDF

Monday, April 22, 2019


𝗣𝗗𝗙 | Psychological is currently in conceptual disarray, characterised by unconnected mini-theories and isolated empirical findings. We lack a theory of the. PDF | This is the entry for "Evolutionary Psychology" in the Encyclopedia of Law and Society: American and Global Perspectives. This entry provides a summary. Evolutionary Psychology: A New Paradigm for Psychological Science the implications of evolutionary psychology for the key branches of social, personality .


Evolutionary Psychology Pdf

Author:KIMI DEHART
Language:English, Spanish, French
Country:Lesotho
Genre:Children & Youth
Pages:741
Published (Last):15.06.2015
ISBN:841-4-57326-823-5
ePub File Size:21.89 MB
PDF File Size:16.73 MB
Distribution:Free* [*Registration Required]
Downloads:48687
Uploaded by: ERICK

I recently spoke at a symposium on cognitive and evolutionary approaches to human culture, in which the topic of evolutionary psychology (EP). Conceptual Foundations of Evolutionary Psychology (Pages: ). John Tooby; Leda Life History Theory and Evolutionary Psychology (Pages: ). Hillard S. Kaplan PDF · Request permissions · xml. CHAPTER 6. Evolutionary psychology posits that the human brain comprises a multitude of evolutionary psychologists appreciate and emphasize the interactions between.

Second, the argument is made that, given we are willing to accept arguments from design in the case of other species, it is inconsistent and unfair to reject such reasoning in the case of humans.

For example, Robert Kurzban, a prominent figure in EP and editor of two main journals in the field, has presented several cogent arguments to this effect in the blog associated with the journal, Evolutionary Psychology. He further noted that that this claim was based on images of the gearing structures alone; there was no reference to the genetic underpinnings or heritability of these structures, nor was there any experimental evidence to establish how the gears work, nor how they contributed to fitness.

On the one hand, this is an entirely fair point. Other things being equal, if evolutionary psychologists and biologists are arguing for the existence of the same phenomena, namely evolutionary adaptations, then the standards of evidence acceptable to one sub-discipline must also be acceptable when used by the other.

On the other hand, the phenomena being compared are not quite equivalent. Insect gears are morphological structures, but psychological adaptations are, according to EP, algorithmic processes. Prinz et al. In other words, the activity produced by the network of simulated neurons was virtually indistinguishable in terms of outcome the pyloric rhythm , but was underpinned by a widely disparate set of underlying mechanisms.

As Sporns a , b has suggested, this implies that degeneracy itself is the organizing principle of the brain, with the system designed to maintain its capacity to solve a specific task in a homeostatic fashion.

Put simply, maintaining structural stability does not seem central to brain function, and this in turn makes brain function seem much less computer-like. This, then, has implications for the proponents of EP, who appear to argue for some kind of stable, functionally specialized circuits, even if only implicitly.

Hence, as long as a reliable and predictable output is produced from a specified set of inputs, EP researchers are justified in referring to the mechanisms that produce this output as a psychological adaptation whatever these might be. This seems to raise another problem, however, in that the reliability and stability of the underlying psychological mechanism is only inferred from the reliability of the behavior produced under a given set of circumstances, and does not involve identification of the actual computational mechanism itself.

This, of course, does not invalidate the approach—hypothetical constructs are the bread-and-butter of contemporary psychological theorizing—but it does make it difficult to maintain the position that the design argument used to account for stable morphological structures, like insect gears, can be applied equally well to psychological phenomena.

As Barrett and Kurzban make clear, this does not follow logically, or even contingently, from the argument that there are specialized processing modules; functional networks can be widely distributed across the brain, and not localized to any specific region Barton, Rather, we are questioning the logic that equates morphological with psychological structure, given recent neurobiological findings assuming, of course, that these findings are general to all brains.

If they are seen instead as temporally and individually variable neuronal configurations that converge on reliable behavioral outputs without any stable circuits, as Prinz et al.

The capacity to produce frequency-dependent, condition-dependent behavior then becomes the realized expression of the complex adaptation that is the brain, rather than these capacities themselves being seen as distinct adaptations. This does not end the matter, of course, because we still need to understand how highly active degenerate brain circuits can produce flexible behavior. This is an unresolved empirical issue that cannot be tackled by theoretical speculation alone.

Login using

Rather, we are simply placing a question mark over the idea that it is possible to identify psychological adaptations at the cognitive level, via behavioral output, without any consideration of how these are physically implemented. Evolved, Learned, and Evolved Learning Capacities Another, more positive, corollary of questioning the premise that the brain is a computer with highly specialized, evolved circuits, is that there is less temptation to distinguish between evolved and learned behaviors in ways that generate a false dichotomy.

In this constructivist view, our ability to engage in certain kinds of reasoning about particular domains of interest, such as cheater detection, emerges through the process of development itself.

Hence, these kinds of reasoning are likely to be specific to our time and place and may be very different to the kinds of reasoning performed by our ancestors in both the recent and more distant past.

These criticisms are often combined with those mentioned above, namely that the evidence for evolved modular mechanisms is not particularly convincing, and is consistent with alternative explanations for the same data. That is, opponents of modular EP argue that we may learn many of the things that EP attributes to evolved psychological adaptations.

In this way, learned mechanisms end up being opposed to those that have evolved.

Such an opposition is, however, false because all learning mechanisms, whether general or domain-specific, have evolved, and therefore what is learned is never independent of evolutionary influences.

This is something that both critics and proponents of EP alike recognize, and yet the opposition of evolved versus culturally learned behavior continually arises e. Perhaps this is because the argument is framed in terms of adaptation, when the real issue being addressed by both parties is the degree to which there are constraints on our ability to learn, that is, the degree of plasticity or flexibility shown by our learning mechanisms.

Foundations of Evolutionary Psychology

Evolutionary Psychologists, in essence, argue simply that all humans converge on a particular suite of mechanisms that once enhanced the fitness of our ancestors, through a process of learning that is heavily guided by certain biological predispositions. Does Flexibility Require Specificity?

This is not to say, however, that humans lack flexibility. This is because, under the SSSM, humans are essentially free to learn anything and are thus not constrained by biology or evolutionary history in any way Cosmides and Tooby, Their argument against the SSSM is wide-ranging, offering a detailed analysis of what they consider to be the abject failure of the social sciences to provide any coherent account of human life and behavior.

This similarly attempted to undercut the idea of general learning mechanisms and replace it with notions of domain-specific internal structure. What is also interesting, however, is that, like Chomsky , Tooby and Cosmides , and Cosmides and Tooby simply assert the case against domain-general mechanisms, rather than provide empirical evidence for their position.

In other words, Hegelian arguments are those that rule out certain hypotheses a priori, solely through the assertion of particular theoretical assumptions, rather than on the basis of empirical data. Given the alternative was deemed impossible on logical grounds, the language acquisition device was thus accepted by default.

Similarly, the argument from EP is that a few domain-general learning mechanisms cannot possibly provide the same flexibility as a multitude of highly specialized mechanisms, each geared to a specific task. Thus, a content-free domain-general cognitive architecture can be ruled out a priori. Rather than demonstrating empirically that domain-general psychological mechanisms cannot do the job asked of them, this argument is instead supported by reference to functional specialization in other organ systems, like the heart and the liver, where different solutions are needed to solve two different problems: pumping blood and detoxifying poisons.

Of course, the brain is also a functionally specialized organ that helps us coordinate and organize behavior in a dynamic, unpredictable world. Analogies are also drawn with functional localization within the brain: visual areas deal only with visual information, auditory areas deal only with auditory information, and so on. Note that domain-specificity of this kind does not automatically imply innateness, as Barrett and Kurzban and Barrett make clear.

Here, however, the argument does seem to suggest that modules must contain some specific content acquired by the process of natural selection alone, and not by any form of learning, precisely because the latter has been ruled out on a priori grounds.

On the one hand, these statements are entirely correct—a single individual cannot literally observe the long-term fitness consequences of a given behavior. Moreover, there is evidence to suggest that humans do possess a form of incest avoidance mechanism, the Westermarck effect, which results in reduced sexual interest between those raised together as children Westermarck, ; also see Shepher, ; Wolf, On the other hand, it is entirely possible for humans to learn with whom they can and cannot mate, and how this may be linked to poor reproductive outcomes—indeed, people can and do learn about such things all the time, as part of their upbringing, and also as part of their marriage and inheritance systems.

Although it is true that many incest taboos do not involve biological incest as such these are more concerned with wealth concentration within lineages , it is the case that mating and marriage with close relatives is often explicitly forbidden and codified within these systems. Moreover, the precise nature of incest taboos may shift over time and space. It is also apparent that, in some cases, shifts in how incestuous unions are defined often relate specifically to the health and well-being of children produced.

Durham , for example, discusses the example of incest or rual among the Nuer cattle herders of Sudan, describing how differing conceptions of the incest taboo exist within the population, such that people obey or resist the taboo depending on their own construal of incest.

As a result, some couples become involved in incestuous unions, and may openly challenge the authority of the courts, running off together to live as a family. This example is presented neither to deny the existence of the Westermarck effect see Durham, for a thorough discussion of the evidence for this , nor to dispute that there are certain statistical patterns that are impossible for an individual to learn over the course of its lifetime. Rather it is presented to demonstrate that humans can and do learn about fitness-relevant behaviors within their own lifetimes, and can make adaptive decisions on this basis.

Personal knowledge of the outcomes from long-term epidemiological study is not needed necessarily because humans can call on the accumulated stores of inter-generational knowledge residing in, and available from, other members of their community. This can be knowledge that is passed on in folklore, stories, and songs, as well as prohibitions and proscriptions on behavior set down in custom and law.

Furthermore, the Nuer example also makes clear that we are capable of updating our existing knowledge in the light of new evidence. Given that any such learning abilities are themselves evolved, there is no suggestion here that incest taboos are free from any kind of biological influence, and are purely socially constructed.

What we are suggesting, however, is that this example undermines the notion that domain-general mechanisms cannot, even in principle, do the job required. We agree that an individual who lives for around 70 years cannot learn the outcome of a process that may take several generations to manifest, but this is a completely different issue from whether an individual can learn that certain kinds of matings are known to have deleterious consequences, and what to do about them.

Citations References 5. For Freud there was but one way to counteract the regressive pull towards groupism, particularism and claims to specialness: As a result the models of contemporary cognitive evolutionary neurosciences look radically different from Freud's psychoanalytic theory Buss But Freud's ethos, the research program that he believed in, flourishes.

Freud, Jewish Universalism and the Critique of Religion. Full-text available. Jan A Visual Mismatch Negativity Study. Oct Shu Zhang. Facial attractiveness plays important roles in social interaction. Electrophysiological and neuroimaging studies found several brain areas to be differentially responsive to attractive relative to unattractive faces.

However, little is known about the time course of the information processing, especially under the unattended condition.

Based on a "cross-modal delayed response" paradigm, the present study aimed to explore the automatic mechanism of facial attractiveness processing of females with different physiological cycles and males, respectively, through recording the event-related potentials in response to un attractive opposite-sex faces by two experiments.

The attractiveness-related visual mismatch negativity attractiveness vMMN in posterior scalp distribution was recorded in both the experiments, which indicated that attractive faces could be processed automatically. And high-attractive opposite-sex faces can elicit larger vMMN in males than females in menstrual period in Study 1, but similar as females in ovulatory period in Study 2.

Furthermore, by comparison, the latency of attractiveness vMMN in females with the ovulatory period was the longest. These results indicated as follows: A cross-cultural qualitative exploration of psychological motives influencing contemporary women surrounding procreation. Apr The purpose of this study is to provide and understand information about attitudes and beliefs of women surrounding procreation and to explore whether the cultural background of a woman is a defining feature in the decision-making process about maternity.

The Shaping of Science by Ideology: The Shaping of Science by Ideology. Alice H. When the Second Wave of feminism emerged in the s and s, feminist psychologists vigorously attacked earlier scholarship on gender for assuming that women's intrinsic nature accounts for their deficits of power and status. Consistent with the liberal, progressive ideology that has prevailed among feminist psychologists, most of their research on the psychology of gender instead found the causes of women's disadvantage in the social context of women's lives.

In particular, social psychologists championed this perspective by providing evidence of the influence of gender stereotypes, social norms, organizational barriers, and sexist prejudices on the behavior of women and men. In addition, many feminist psychologists rejected biological causation as sexist and reductionist, thereby participating minimally in research on interactive processes by which nature and nurture work together in producing sex differences and similarities.

The challenge now facing feminist psychologists is to reach beyond ideological constraints to discover how social, self, and biological causes interact to produce the phenomena of gender.

Wider die Antagonismen. Methodologische Grundlagen der Politikwissenschaft. Diese Paradigmen lassen sich historisch bis ins In diesem Kapitel werden die sechs wichtigsten Paradigmen der heutigen empirischen Psychologie dargestellt.

Vielmehr geht es darum, einige Hauptlinien ihrer Entwicklung nachzuzeichnen und die Fragestellungen, Methoden und Hauptergebnisse der sechs Paradigmen an wenigen Beispielen zu skizzieren. Prenatal and Postnatal Human Olfactory Development: Influences on Cognition and Behavior.

Jun Benoist Schaal. This chapter focuses on the importance of ontogeny and early experience in understanding human olfaction. It examines the emergence of the anatomy and function of nasal chemo sensation, including its development in young organisms as they gain sophistication in sensory-motor and cognitive skills.

The chapter summarizes adaptive responses to odour exhibited by infants and young children, including newborns, in individual and social contexts. It studies functional onset of nasochemoreception in both animal and human infants.

The chapter further considers the adaptive roles of olfaction in the succession of transitions that are typical of mammals, emphasizing the human case. It explains involvement of olfaction in infants' and children's behaviour in affiliative networks within and outside the family. Finally, the chapter assesses the long-term consequences of early exposure to odorants. A how-to guide. Researchers in the social and behavioral sciences are increasingly using evolutionary insights to test novel hypotheses about human psychology.

This article provides researchers with a practical guide for using evolutionary perspectives in their research programs and for avoiding common pitfalls in doing so. We outline essential elements of an evolutionarily informed research program at 3 central phases: We elaborate key conceptual tools, including task analysis, psychological mechanisms, design features, universality, and cost-benefit analysis.

Researchers can use these tools to generate hypotheses about universal psychological mechanisms, social and cultural inputs that amplify or attenuate the activation of these mechanisms, and cross-culturally variable behavior that these mechanisms can produce.

We hope that this guide inspires theoretically and methodologically rigorous research that more cogently integrates knowledge from the psychological and life sciences. Incorporating Development Into Evolutionary Psychology. Dec Developmental thinking is gradually becoming integrated within mainstream evolutionary psychology. This is most apparent with respect to the role of parenting, with proponents of life history theory arguing that cognitive and behavioral plasticity early in life permits children to select different life history strategies, with such strategies being adaptive solutions to different fitness trade-offs.

The concept of evolved probabilistic cognitive mechanisms is introduced, defined as information processing mechanisms evolved to solve recurrent problems faced by ancestral populations that are expressed in a probabilistic fashion in each individual in a generation and are based on the continuous and bidirectional interaction over time at all levels of organization, from the genetic through the cultural. Examples from social learning and tool use are provided, illustrating the development of adaptations via evolved probabilistic cognitive mechanisms.

The integration of developmental concepts into mainstream evolutionary psychology and evolutionary concepts into mainstream developmental psychology will provide a clearer picture of what it means to be human. Show more. The Psychological Foundations of Culture.

The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and the Generation of Culture.

Evolutionary psychology

The Unity of Knowledge. Sep Edward O Wilson. The foundations of practice and the most recent discoveries in theintriguing newfield of evolutionary psychology. Why is the mind designed the way it is?

How does input from the environment interact with the mind to produce behavior? By taking aim at such questions, the science of evolutionary psychology has emerged as a vibrant new discipline producing groundbreaking insights.The adapted mind: Geher, G.

Review ARTICLE

Goldfinch, A. To the extent that disgust is driven by cues that are indicative of disease-directly and indirectly i. Evolutionary hypotheses are often in competition with one another, but they are only. Thus, one cannot use this argument as a priori proof that evolved content-rich domain-specific mechanisms are the only possible way that adaptive behavior can be brought about. Why our brains are wired to connect.

Good genes, economic. The production of sweat is a physiological adaptation designed to thermoregulate an organism. Ridley, M.